For generations there has been polarity and rivalry between the two main ethnic groups of Rwanda: the majority Hutus and minority Tutsis. In the ultimate example of divide and rule, the Belgian colonists (1916-1962) treated the Tutsis as superior to the Hutus. From the late-1950s onwards, however, Hutus started taking over many of the former positions of Tutsis and enjoyed better jobs, social status and educational opportunities. Animosity and inter-ethnic conflict grew over subsequent decades resulting in tens of thousands of deaths and a huge exodus of Rwandans (primarily Tutsis) to neighboring states.
Recurrent ethnic tensions, compounded by a variety of political and socio-economic factors, created the tinderbox in which Hutu extremists were able to unleash the catastrophic genocide. Between April and July 1994, at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus were brutally murdered in well-planned and coordinated attacks by what was one of the most efficient killing machines in history. In the absence of an effective UN force, the atrocities were finally ended by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), a force comprised of Tutsi exiles and led by the current President, Paul Kagame.
115,000 individuals were arrested following the genocide and many more were suspected of involvement. Since June 2002, the Rwandan government has introduced a new court system in order to try those accused of various crimes committed during the genocide. The courts, known as Gacaca, draw on a local and reconciliatory-based system of justice in which suspects are taken to the areas where the crimes were committed and tried by a panel of elected judges from the local community. Approximately 12,000 Gacaca courts have been established - one way of clearing the extensive backlog of cases and easing pressures on the country’s conventional court system. Furthermore, it is hoped that the courts will facilitate grassroots participatory reconciliation within Rwanda.
Nevertheless, the courts attract criticism for the lack of legal qualifications of the judges, many having themselves been accused of participating in the genocide. Other issues for these courts include the lack of representation for suspects and the prohibition from examining crimes committed by RPF troops during the genocide. Consequently, many consider the system to be ‘one-sided justice’.
The most serious crimes of genocide are referred to the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), established under UN auspices and based in Tanzania. Since the ICTR started in 1997, the Court has convicted 28 individuals although more remain as fugitives from justice.
Following their defeat, those forces responsible for the genocide fled to the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). This armed militia, now termed the FDLR (Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda), has launched a number of attacks on Rwanda in an attempt to destabilize the country and bring about the downfall of the new regime. In retaliation, Rwanda has invaded the DRC at least twice in the last ten years in an attempt to eliminate the FDLR. Although the militia is no longer a strategic threat to Rwanda, the government spends approximately $50 million (3.2% of GDP) on its military forces.
Politics and Human Rights In 2003, Rwanda ended a nine-year transitional period following the genocide with a successful referendum on the new Constitution, and the first presidential and multi-party parliamentary elections in the country since independence. Despite numerous irregularities in the build-up to election day, European Union observers noted that the elections were a positive step towards democracy in the country. Paul Kagame, leader of the RPF, won a substantial majority of votes to become President. A coalition led by the RPF also secured a landslide victory in the parliamentary elections winning approximately 74% of seats.
Kagame downplays the ethnic card and presents himself as a Rwandan, rather than affiliating to a particular ethnic group, thus attracting broad support as a unifier. Nevertheless, the President has found it difficult to reconcile his democratic values with his zeal to eradicate ‘divisionism’, the term referring to any distinction between Tutsi and Hutu made in public discourse. He has suppressed human rights organisations, religious and civil society groups, media outlets and political parties on the pretext that they advocate ‘genocidal ideologies’. Part of the problem is that ‘divisionism’ remains ambiguous within the Constitution allowing the concept to be interpreted and applied when convenient. The Constitution guarantees certain civil and political rights such as the freedom of association, assembly, opinion and press but also gives the President strong powers.
One of the more positive aspects of domestic politics is the prominence of women in Parliament. At present, women comprise nearly 50% of the lower house of Parliament, the Chamber of Deputies, the largest proportion in any parliament in the world. However, women are under-represented in most other decision-making bodies. Much remains to be done to ensure equal representation and effective participation of women throughout the government and provincial authorities.
Civil society is rather undeveloped in Rwanda for a number of reasons, not least because many formal networks are deterred for fear of being accused of ‘divisionism’. Although the number of local NGOs is rising, they are required to register annually with the Ministry of Local Government, Community Development and Social Affairs, so creating an environment in which approval is difficult.
Rwanda’s HIV prevalence rate of 5.1% is relatively low compared with other countries in the region. Nevertheless, well over 160,000 children are orphaned by AIDS. With its comparatively small population, low rates of condom use and lack of awareness, Rwanda could be severely affected by HIV/AIDS in the years ahead unless urgent action is taken. There are a number of political commitments to addressing HIV/AIDS: a National Strategic Framework; a National AIDS Commission; a Minister of State, Dr Innocent Nyaruhirira, in charge of HIV and AIDS and various government initiatives.
Citing the inflammatory role played by the media in disseminating propaganda during the genocide, the government controls much of the press and broadcasting, making genuine freedom of speech difficult. Even with the 2002 Media Law which asserts that the press is free and censorship forbidden, journalists suffer attacks, intimidation and deportation at the hands of the authorities. This is especially true of the one independent newspaper Umuseso whose editors suffer constant harrassment. Journalists from the New Times, the principal English-language newspaper, often practice self-censorship.
With 30% of the adult population illiterate, radio is a widely used source of information. There are major plans to develop telecentres backed by appropriate training in the hope that they will improve communication and literacy throughout the country. ORINFOR, the state owned broadcaster, dominates the airwaves twenty-four hours a day with Radio Rwanda as well as the television station TV Rwanda. There are a number of commercial, community and religious radio stations on air but the journalists are often inexperienced, there are few political or investigative programs, and many of the stations face technical difficulties.
With a large rural population, over 90% of the country is engaged in subsistence agriculture. Significant structural obstacles such as the low natural resource base, poor road infrastructure, food insecurity and limited land availability result in unsustainable use of land. Major soil erosion, deforestation and land degradation remain real and significant issues. The MDG for environmental sustainability is regarded as unlikely to be achieved and there are serious problems with the provision of safe water and sanitation especially in rural areas.
The government has recently taken a number of initiatives to address problems related to environmental degradation. The 2005 Environment Bill, for example, establishes a legal framework for the country’s environmental management. Furthermore, in an attempt to incorporate environmental sustainability into Rwanda’s national development, the Rwanda Environmental Management Authority will be a key stakeholder in developing the forthcoming Second Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper due to be completed at the beginning of 2007.
